Many features of music contribute to its positive potential for promoting social harmony. But music’s influence on human interaction is not entirely benign. I consider features of music that enable it to serve such contrary projects, beginning by itemizing some of the mechanisms through which music creates feeling of solidarity among people. The very mechanisms that enable music to create solidarity can solidify bonds within sectarian groups that identify themselves in opposition to non-members. Music can also incite action because it activates the motor system, and when channeled into serving a propagandistic aim, it can promote action in the direction that has been cued. Because music entrains people rhythmically, it motivates acting in tandem, potentially fostering unquestioning allegiance to a cause.
I go on to suggest four strategies for utilizing music to advance peace and other humanizing ends. First, efforts should be made to promote engagement with music that helps develop receptivity, empathy, and other peacebuilding attitudes and skills. Second, music education should make efforts to pre-empt the tendency to identify music with “us” or with “them.” Third, opportunities should be created for people to engage in “participatory performance,” which can transform people from relative strangers into shared musical participants. Fourth, musical hybridization, in which elements of diverse kinds of music are utilized in new musical forms, should be fostered. Music can demonstrate that engaging in creative and expressive activity with others can be enhanced, not diminished, by interaction with those outside one’s in-group, but we need to create the circumstances in which this can happen.
When the suggestion is made that music has an impact on ethics, popular American imagination gravitates toward music as a bad influence. Since recording technology first made possible individual choice regarding what music to hear, sequential generations of young people have had their preferred musical idioms denounced as ethically pernicious and indicative of social corruption. The editor of the Ladies’ Home Journal contended in 1921 that “every clean-minded reader” of the magazine should conclude from its “broadside discussion of the evils of jazz” that “an anti-jazz campaign is of as great importance to-day to the moral well-being of the United States as the prohibition cause was in the worst days of the saloon.”1Currie, ed., “Jazz,” The Ladies’ Home Journal, 24.
Crane Brinton reports that in 1959 some people found “crooners more evil than gangsters.”2Crane Brinton, A History of Western Morals, 16. According to Charles Hamm, a Florida judge prepared warrants to arrest Elvis for impairing the morals of minors.3Charles Hamm, Yesterdays—Popular Song in America, 399. Allan Bloom, with a nod to Plato, condemned rock music as having “one appeal only, a barbaric appeal, to sexual desire.”4Allan Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind, 73. Joel Rudinow observes that, “References to the blues as the ‘devil’s music’ are common to the point of cliché.”5Joel Rudinow, Soul Music: Tracking the Spiritual Roots of Pop from Plato to Motown, 3. Robert Walzer quotes Joe Stuessy asserting that successful heavy metal dealt primarily with “one or more of the following basic themes: Extreme rebellion, extreme violence, substance abuse, sexual promiscuity/perversion (including homosexuality, bisexuality, sadomasochism, necrophilia, etc.,) Satanism.”6Robert Walzer, Running with the Devil: Power, Gender, and Madness in Heavy Metal Music, 139, citing Joe Stuessy, notes for testimony to U.S. Senate Commerce Committee, 19 September 1985, 6. Rap is said to incite people to violence and described as a destabilizer of society.7See Johnson and Cloonan, Dark Side of the Tune: Popular Music and Violence, 111-112.
Despite the frequency of objections to particular types of music on moral grounds over the last century, music’s potentially positive impact on attitudes and behavior has been celebrated in many societies. Confucian thinkers in ancient China argued that ritually performed music creates a spirit of harmony and reverence among members of the family and among members of the larger community.8See Hsün Tzu, "A Discussion of Music," in Basic Writings, trans. Burton Watson , 113; and Yue Ji, in “’Yue Ji’ – Record of Music: Introduction, Translation, Notes and Commentary,” Asian Music 26:2, 4.6, 57. Western philosophers concurred, with both Plato and Aristotle elaborating on the importance of musical education for creating a society of cooperative citizens. Aboriginal Australians use music is utilized to convey moral lessons (and lessons on other matters as well).9Ellis, Aboriginal Music, Education for Living: Cross-cultural Experiences from South Australia, 17. African practices of music-making commonly involve the cultivation of moral principles on matters such as sharing and respect.10See Chernoff, African Rhythm and African Sensibility: Aesthetics and Social Action in African Musical Idioms, 139-140 and 149-151. See also Amegago, An Holistic Approach to African Performing Arts: Music and Dance Curriculum Development and Implementation, Ph.D. dissertation, Simon Fraser University, 2000, 308-309; and Mans, “Informal Learning and Values,” Action, Criticism, and Theory for Music Education 8:2, 87-89.11See “Drumming Up a Happier Workplace,” BBC News, 20 February 2004. See also Fuller, “The Workplace: Diplomats Drum that Stress Away,” The New York Times, June 22, 2005. For an example of a company catering to this new trend in business, see the website of Dolle Communications, https://dollecommunicationsblog.wordpress.com/2015/05/06/drum-circles-aid-workplace-productivity-employee-engagement-and-inclusion/. And some Western businesses are using musical activities for team-building.12Blacking, A Commonsense View of All Music,149, citing Balough, A Musical Genius from Australia; Selected Writings by and about Percy Grainger, 49.
Many features of music contribute to its positive potential for promoting social harmony. But music’s influence on human interaction is not entirely benign. While I share with other contributors to this issue the conviction that music can, in the words of Teresa Balough, be a “vehicle for world peace and the unification of mankind,” I recognize that it can also it can also further conflict and enmity.13See Bregman, “Auditory Scene Analysis: Hearing in Complex Environments,” in Thinking in Sound: The Cognitive Psychology of Human Audition, 10-36. In what follows I will consider features of music that enable it to serve such contrary projects. I will begin by itemizing some of the mechanisms through which music creates feeling of solidarity among people and then show how some of these same mechanisms can function to divide and to foster hostilities. I will go on to suggest some strategies for utilizing music to advance humanizing ends, mindful of the danger that it can be harnessed to agendas of quite different sorts.
Music’s Mechanisms for Creating Solidarity
That music is able to bring people together is not controversial. Music’s capacity to create solidarity among people is evident to almost everyone from personal experience. Understanding the mechanisms involved can facilitate the effort to use music for promoting healthy and peaceful relationships among people and for avoiding more problematic uses. I will therefore begin by indicating some of the means through which music helps to form and fortify human connections.
First, music’s ability to create bonds among people draws on the physiology of hearing. Hearing is, for most human beings, a basic mode of connection with the surrounding world, and indeed an intimate one. Sounds made by nearby sources enter our own bodies through our ears (as well as through our tactile and kinesthetic senses). Music, like other sounds, causes our whole bodies to resonate – and it causes the same result in the bodies of others. To the extent that we are aware of being moved by the same vibrational patterns as others, we are likely to feel a connection with them as we connect to the world. Thus, one basis for feeling linked to other people through music is that music facilitates awareness that we share sensory modalities of access to the external world.
Second, we make use of hearing to note and track the movements of others. The sense of hearing (when functional) is our basic means for recognizing the presence and activity of other agents (whether these agents are human, animal, or even robotic machines).14See “Channel Protein Converts Vibration to Electrical Signal,” Howard Hughes Medical Institute, October 13, 2004. See also Corey et al., “TRPA1 Is a Candidate for the Mechano-Senstive Transduction Channel of Vertebrate Hair Cells,” Nature 432: 723-30. The relative speed with which the auditory system relays signals to the brain (up to 1,000 times faster than does the visual system) indicates that hearing is more primary than sight for this purpose.16 The link between the auditory system and awareness of other agents may be responsible, at least in part, for our impression that music moves and mimics activity.
Our auditory detection system enables us to be vigilant with respect to potential threats, but I submit that our reliance on hearing to detect agency is also a basis for music’s promotion of feelings of solidarity. This is because hearing is involved in our development of a sense of familiarity with respect to specific agents. We learn to recognize other people as individuals by detecting dynamic features of their movement, features that are akin to what we attend to in music.
Developmental psychologist Daniel Stern claims that the kinetic characteristics of other people’s movement are recognized from early infancy, and they provide a central basis for developing rapport. Stern calls the infant’s responses to these characteristics “vitality affects,” defining the latter as “those dynamic, kinetic qualities of feeling that distinguish animate from inanimate and that correspond to the momentary changes in feeling states involved in the organic process of being alive."15Stern, The Interpersonal World of the Infant, 56. The dynamics of a particular individual’s behavior and the contours of the pattern of neural firings they excite enable infants to learn to distinguish behavior that is produced by the same agent from the behavior of others. The vitality affects make it possible for infants to recognize their caregivers as particular individuals.
Stern conveys an impression of what is involved in the vitality affects when he contrasts their character with that of ordinary emotion terms, which tend to reflect not so much dynamic features of movement as specific intentional attitudes. Instead, he thinks the features of the vitality affects are better captured by dynamic, kinetic terms, such as “surging,” “fading away,” “fleeting,” “explosive,” “crescendo,” “decrescendo,” “bursting,” “drawn out,” and so on. These qualities of experience are most certainly sensible to infants and of great daily, even momentary, importance. It is these feelings that will be elicited by changes in motivational states, appetites, and tensions.16Stern, The Interpersonal World of the Infant, 54.
Significantly, these terms are of a sort that are aptly applied to music. In fact, these are exactly the what nineteenth century theorist Eduard Hanslick describes as the basis for our tendency to associate music with emotion. Hanslick denies that music represents emotions themselves. Instead, emotions are indirectly suggested on the basis of what it can represent, namely “those ideas which relate to audible changes in strength, motion and proportion, and consequently they include our ideas of increasing and diminishing, acceleration and deceleration, clever interweavings, simple progressions, and the like.”17Hanslick, On the Musically Beautiful, 10.
Stern thinks that mothers and infants attune their movements to each other by attending to these vitality affects.18Stern, The Interpersonal World of the Infant, 157. He also maintains that such affects support our capacity to feel that we are “with” another person. Stern points out that music is an example “par excellence of the expressiveness of the vitality affects.”19Ibid., 55-56. What is relevant here is his claim that listening to music revives the early emotional state of secure rapport that we felt toward our caregivers when we successfully coordinated our responses with theirs.20See Dissanayake, Art and Intimacy: How the Arts Began, 26-42; Trevarthen, “Communication and Cooperation in Early Infancy: A Description of Primary Intersubjecivity,” in Before Speech: The Beginning of Human Communication, 321-347; and Trevarthen, “Emotions in Infacy: Regulators of Contact and Relationship with persons,” in Approaches to Emotion, 129-157. This suggests a basis not only for music’s role in developing emotional bonds with other people, but also for its power to strengthen such bonds.
A third feature of music that encourages feelings of rapport with others is entrainment. Not only do our bodies passively experience the same vibrational patterns as do others in our environment; our activities also typically synchronize, or entrain, with the regular rhythms that we hear in many kinds of music. Even subliminally, we tend to adopt the rhythms of other people’s movements, though we can choose to do so voluntarily. This is what enables music to serve functional roles in coordinating activities, as it does in the case of work songs. By provoking movement in tandem, entrainment encourages the impression that we are operating in tandem with others more generally.
A fourth feature of music that promotes bonding is identified by phenomenologist Alfred Schutz. He contends that a sense of community is forged as a consequence of the fact that those involved in a musical experience share both subjective and objective aspects of time when they share music. As he puts it, “The social relationship is founded upon the partaking in common of different dimensions of time simultaneously lived through by the participants.”21Schutz, "Making Music Together: A Study in Social Relationship." Social Research 18:2, 14, 18. As performers or listeners we are sharing detailed sequences of perceptions with others who are similarly tracking the music. This common experiencing of a span of time that we are living through and our attending to its nuances is, according to Schutz, a basis for strong feelings of togetherness.
Contemporary cognitive scientists suggest a fifth basis for music’s capacity to connect those engaged with it, specifically the common partaking in the spatial dimension of experience that musical experience involves. Experiencing music, they claim, involves an exploration of a kind of virtual reality. When we mentally register what is happening in music, we use some of the very systems that we use to interact with the external world, those involved in mentally modeling features of the environment in preparation for action. Philosopher Charles Nussbaum summarizes this as our minds internally representing “virtual layouts and scenarios in an imaginary musical space in which the listener acts (off-line).”22Nussbaum, The Musical Representation: Meaning, Ontology, and Emotion, 21. By activating mental schemas like those we use in planning our actions, music prompts the listener to construct mental models for musical possibilities, much as we mentally map the physical field in order to plan our physical activities. The cognitive scientists’ picture of what is happening casts them as compatriots who are sharing the same adventure of mapping and exploring the same virtual terrain.
Arguably, this model of music as simulating physical activity helps illuminate the tendency to envision music as active and our feelings of identification with music. As T.S. Eliot observes, while listening to music, we are the music.23Cf. Eliot, “The Dry Salvages,” The Four Quartets. To the extent that we take this identification to be shared with other listeners (a relatively easy leap to make, at least in the case of those who entrain along with us), our identification with music’s apparent agency is implicitly also an identification with them, a sixth aspect of music’s capacity to conjoin us.
Music appears to encourage feelings of affinity for seventh reason as well, this one again physiological. Some theorists have suggested that one effect of music is the release of the neuropeptide oxytocin, which increases feelings of trust.24Freeman, “A Neurobiological Role of Music in Social Bonding,” in The Origins of Music, 411-424. Mona Lisa Chanda and Daniel Levitin summarize the role of such neuropeptides in contributing to social rapport: “Emerging evidence suggests that oxytocin, vasopressin, and dopamine are necessary for the establishment of social bonds, whereas endogenous opioids contribute to feelings of ‘dependence’ that are necessary for humans to maintain long-lasting social relationships.”25Ibid., 188. See Machin and Dunbar, “The Brain Opioid Theory of Social Attachment: A Review of the Evidence,” Behaviour 33: 533-537. If music stimulates the release of oxytocin, this suggests a basis in neurobiology for a connection between music and feelings of interdependence. And participating in music together impresses upon one the interdependence one has with those who are also involved.
Finally, although a few theoreticians disagree, most everyone else considers music to be a powerful vehicle for arousing emotion. Shared experiences of emotion, particularly when involving considerable physiological arousal, often prompt bonding. Assuming that the music is commonly enjoyed, sharing music is a fairly reliable means of encouraging camaraderie and feelings of affiliation.
The features of music that we have considered – recognition of common sensory modalities, revival of infantile feelings of secure rapport, entrainment, intersubjective tracking of time and exploration of space, identification with music’s apparent agency, release of oxytocin, and shared emotional experience – all contribute to music’s power to encourage solidarity. But if so many aspects of musical experience further cohesion among people, how is it that music can encourage antagonism as well? I will proceed to address this question.
Music Fostering Enmities
Thus far, I have described the bonding effects of music as though feelings of affiliation result regardless of the social relationships people have with respect to each other. And to a point, this is justified. Intrinsically, there is nothing about music as such that necessarily restricts the demographic range of those united by it. To the contrary, the portion of humanity with whom participants and listeners feel connection through music is in principle open-ended and often ill-defined.26See Peters, “Musical Empathy, Emotional Co-Constitution, and ‘the Musical Other,’” Empirical Musicology Review 10:1-2. Peters contends that music motivates a sense of empathy with “otherness” in general and only sometimes results in empathy toward actual specific others. Music can bridge entrenched boundaries, a capability lauded by diverse musicians and celebrated in the adage, “Music is the universal language.”27See Higgins, The Music between Us: Is Music a Universal Language?, 2.
However, music is always accessed within a context, and context can conscript music to support propagandistic aims and other agendas. One need only consider the employment of music in advertising and political campaigns to recognize how insertion into a marketing or partisan appeal can easily convert otherwise impartial music into an advocate for a particular product or candidate. Positioning is a means through which music can be employed for sectarian purposes, among these efforts to undercut or sow hostility toward groups.
Sectarian employment of music is facilitated, moreover, by the fact that most musically- interested people are not equally drawn to every kind of music. Often individuals consider a certain type (or a small number of types) to be “their kind” of music. Many people, in fact, identify themselves and others partially in terms of the kind of music they listen to, seeing it as important that one is or is not an opera enthusiast or a jazz aficionado, for example. Even when individuals consider themselves to be enthusiasts of multiple types of music, few feel comfortable with music of every sort.
One of the reasons for our differing degrees of comfort with various types of music is that each of us has a different musical biography, bringing to each occasion of listening or performing a different set of prior musical experiences. Even those of us who have similar musical backgrounds may differ in their associations with particular pieces of music. Each of us may connect a given piece of music with various occasions of having previously heard it and with ideas it brings to mind.28Cf. Feld, “Communication, Music, and Speech about Music,” Yearbook for Traditional Music 16: 1–18. Feld discusses the “interpretive moves” members of a society make, linking features of music to locations, categories, reflections, associations, and evaluations. We might relate the music to any aspect of our lives (whether personal or collective), and pieces we have known from early in life are often saturated with associations of various sorts. Despite the idiosyncratic listening habits made possible by modern recording and replay technology, generalizations about listening habits can often be made for whole demographic categories. A musical background shaped by shared listening habits may be a basis for feeling bound to members of one’s in-group in a way that one does not feel bound to others.
Another reason that music does not lead to the same degree of felt solidarity in connection with everyone is that in many societies being part of “the audience” for a certain type of music serves as a badge of social class.29See Bordieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, 18. Being part of the audience for opera in the United States connotes membership in a higher socio-economic class than does being part of the audience for country music.30Cf. Freeland, But Is It Art?, 93-96. When a type of music is construed in this way, it may solidify feelings of being a part of a particular class, rather than encouraging solidarity across classes. Sponsors often use music that is coded in this manner to appeal to particular demographics. By establishing or capitalizing on an impression that a type of music addresses one group rather than another, a sponsor can suggest a connection between the feelings of affiliation generated by music and a particular in-group, rather than humanity at large.
Propagandists can and do exploit the distinctions made between music associated with one’s in-group and music that is deemed foreign. Social psychologists have indicated that “mere exposure” to an object is enough to establish a preference for it in comparison to what is completely unfamiliar.31 Zajonc, “Exposure Effects: An Unmediated Phenomenon,” in Feelings and Emotions: The Amsterdam Symposium, 194-203. A study by William Raft Wilson showed this effect in reference to sequences of musical tones. Wilson, “Feeling More than We Can Know: Exposure Effects without Learning,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 37: 811-821. If a single encounter is enough to produce an impact on relative preference, imagine the effect of the music that one has heard from one’s earliest life. Ethnomusicologist Alan Lomax describes deeply familiar music as symbolizing for the listener
the place where he was born, his earliest childhood satisfactions, his religious experience, his pleasure in community doings, his courtship and his work – any or all of these personality-shaping experiences. As soon as the familiar sound pattern is established, he is prepared to laugh, to weep, to dance, to fight, to worship. His heart is opened.
Symbolizing so much that is important to the listener, music according to Lomax gives the listener “a feeling of security,” and he takes this to be its most important social function.32Alan Lomax, “Folk Song Style,” American Anthropologist 61: 929. Lomax has been criticized for reifying cultures and describing their musical styles in extremely broad brushstrokes, but it seems plausible that music with such deeply ingrained associations makes the listener particularly receptive.
Music associated with “home” can stir feelings of patriotic love of one’s “people.” Patriotic emotion need not be associated with negative attitudes toward those from other groups, but it can be commandeered to fan hostilities. The mechanism is essentially that described by Mark Jefferson as a danger of valuing anything in a sentimental manner. According to Jefferson, the danger is that one sentimentally takes a valued object to be absolutely good and concludes that anything threating it is absolutely evil. When patriotic feeling takes on this “sentimental” character and involves the conviction that one’s nation or group is unquestionably good, the corollary belief that it deserves protection from all threats is easily mobilized. The more adamant one’s belief in the absolute innocence and goodness of one’s own side, the more readily is one convinced that potential threats should be stopped at any cost, even if this requires their complete destruction.33 See Mark Jefferson, “What Is Wrong with Sentimentality?” Mind 92: 519-529. Sentimental depictions of one’s own citizenry and dehumanizing images of those considered threats are standard propagandistic tools. In that music can stir strong feelings of attachment to and sentimental love of one’s group, it can be implicated in generating antagonism and violent attitudes toward those seen as “others.”
At the same time, music perceived as alien can also reinforce one’s sense of affiliation with one’s in-group. Monique Roelofs describes a Dutch journalist’s article about a ride in an Arabic driver’s taxicab, which characterized the unfamiliar music as one of the “foreign” elements inside the cab that the journalist found oppressive. The author aimed in his article to create the impression that cab’s atmosphere was an encroachment on his own rightful aesthetic home, according to Roelofs, illustrating what she calls “racialized aesthetic nationalism.”34Monique Roelofs, The Cultural Promise of the Aesthetic,129-138, especially 135-136. It also indicates that judging some type of music as “foreign” can reinforce distinctions between “us” and “them.”
Music judged as enjoyable, by contrast, might seem to do the opposite. Yet all of the features of music that contribute to its power to promote feelings of human connection can facilitate bonding among those within an in-group. And groups inevitably define themselves in contradistinction from other groups, as ethnomusicologist Martin Stokes observes,
Ethnicities are to be understood in terms of the construction, maintenance and negotiation of boundaries, and not on the putative social essences which fill the gaps within them. Ethnic boundaries define and maintain social identities, which can only exist in ‘a context of opposition and relativities.’35Stokes, “Introduction: Ethnicity, Identity and Music,” in Ethnicity, Identity and Music: The Musical Construction of Place, 6. References to Barth. Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organisation of Culture Difference; and Chapman, Tonkin, and McDonald, “Introduction,” History and Ethnicity.
When it links affiliative feelings with an in-group, music’s mechanisms for promoting a sense of connection can shore up social boundaries instead of bridging them. By building associations between a type of music and itself, a given group can make the music serve as an emblem of membership. And music can do this for groups dedicated to anti-social aims just as well as for those working for the betterment of society. Nazi Germany made ample use of music to generate enthusiasm for its xenophobic interpretation of social reality. And as Nancy Love’s article in this issue makes evident, the practice of using music to promote xenophobia flourishes currently in certain enclaves within the United States.36See Love: "From Settler Colonialism to Standing Rock: Hearing Native Voices for Peace" [this issue]. Love discusses “Prussian Blue,” a musical group whose defining purpose is to encourage white supremacist ideology.
Accompanying texts can explicitly establish associations between given social groups and particular music, but texts are not essential. Musical styles alone can be linked to specific groups, such as those that devised the music or those that have embraced it as their own (as is the case with Norteño musicians in relation to polka). Any kind of music is likely to be mentally associated with the group from which it originated, although such associations may be more or less salient (and in some cases a listener may be unaware of the music’s original source). This makes it particularly easy to deploy music in support of causes dependent on reinforcing or making use of ethnic and national identities. Occasionally, music draws attention to such identities in an effort to build bridges. For example, David Hesmondhalgh points out that the national government of Afghanistan utilized music that conjoined elements of the musical styles of various ethnic groups to develop a sense of a national culture.37Hesmondhalgh, Why Music Matters, 157. See Baily, “The Role of Music in the Creation of an Afghan National Identity, 1923-73,” in Music, Ethnicity and Identity: The Musical Construction of Place, 45-60. However, when musical styles are associated with particular ethnicities or nationalities, they often emphasize the distinction between insiders and outsiders.
While the arts in general can foster hostility toward those considered to be outsiders, music is particularly potent in this role. Its activation of the motor system stimulates tendencies toward movement, and when a direction is suggested, music can incite action of a particular sort. Sometimes music is deployed to encourage humane action, as it is when a benefit concert encourages people to make donations to good causes. But it can also rev people up for battle, whether of a literal or figurative sort.38 That music expedites action in literal battle is indicated by a soldier interviewed in Fahrenheit 9/11, directed by Michael Moore, 2004. He describes going into battle with “a good song behind you” as a way of getting prepared to kill. Entrainment of movement brought about through music can also encourage tendencies toward groupthink and unquestioning allegiance toward one’s own side in any confrontation.
Whether positioned by propagandists or just listened to from a sentimental standpoint, music can and often does fortify distinctions and antagonisms between groups. But just as those with divisive agendas can exploit music’s capacity to further solidarity in the service of sectarian purposes, those interested in promoting peace can make strategic use of music as well. In the following section I will suggest several strategies they might use.
Using Music to Build Thriving Relationships
I see several strategies for using music that can contribute to a more harmonious and peaceful world. I will mention four, though I do not pretend this list is exhaustive. First, those who want to use music to encourage peace should encourage engagement with music that is conducive to the development of peacebuilding attitudes and skills, such as receptivity and empathy.39Olivier Urbain draws attention to Johan Galtung’s conviction that empathy is essential to peaceful negotiation of conflict. See his “A Statement of Values for our Research on Music in Peacebuilding: A Synthesis of Galtung and Ikeda’s Peace Theories,” Journal of Peace Education 13:3, 223. Musical engagement can be encouraged through sponsorship of musical events, employment of music in public contexts, among other means. What particular music can help develop peacebuilding attitudes and skills will be situation dependent, though certain music (songs with hostile lyrics, for example) may never fall into this category. Many features of the context might affect what music will be serviceable for cultivating amicable attitudes. Some music may be ruled out for this role because of already established associations of particular music with a faction or interest, which can emphasize and reinforce divisions between groups.
Timing is relevant for determining the kind of music that will be optimal for affecting particular audiences, for recent events that have affected them can affect their receptivity and frame of mind. In some cases a situation impacting the community (such as a rash of homicides, the completion of a major building project, or the recent victory or defeat of a sports team) can produce a general atmosphere of enthusiasm or discouragement. Depending on the nature of the atmosphere, music might benefit ethical attitudes either by reinforcing or counteracting it. Growing tensions might be somewhat defused by music that is calming, while a pervasive mood of depression might be counteracted by livelier music that encourages optimism.
Assuming attention to associations and the prevailing atmosphere, how might music encourage ethically beneficial skills?40See also Higgins, The Music of Our Lives, 129-135. Nineteenth-century playwright and philosopher Friedrich Schiller contends that aesthetic experience generally expedites the development moral maturity. It does so, Schiller argues, by enabling him or her to recognize that satisfaction is not necessarily a zero-sum game, in which a gain for another is a loss for oneself. People can enjoy beautiful things simultaneously, and when they do, the sharing enhances their enjoyment. Through the arts a young person learns to overcome infantile selfishness, Schiller argues, for the arts facilitate the discovery that often what benefits other people is thereby all the more fulfilling for oneself.
Schiller’s argument applies to all the arts, music included, but others have noted that music has particular value for developing good ethical habits. Contemporary aesthetician Deniz Peters observes that music motivates generalized feelings of empathy. While this generalized feeling is not yet empathy for specific other people, it provides training in the general practice of concerning oneself with the feelings of others. William Day discusses participation in jazz improvisation as cultivating an improved ethical outlook toward others individually. He points out that improvisation in an ensemble requires attentive listening to the other musicians and efforts to tailor one’s own performance so as to help the others sound good.41Cf. Olivier Urbain on “communicative creativity,” which he describes as “a set of skills and capabilities that allow people to connect deeply to bring out the best in oneself and others . . . with the aim of deepening relationships and being able to find collective solutions to problems.” Urbain, “A Statement of Values for our Research on Music in Peacebuilding,” 226-227. I think it is worth noting that receptive listening and deferring to other participants are among the ethical skills that Peter Simpson and his colleagues describe as important in conducting international business negotiations. They describe success as depending on “negative capability,” such as the ability to refrain and to listen, which they see as necessary to make room for spontaneous synergy among negotiating parties.42 Simpson, French and Charles Harvey, “Leadership and Negative Capability,” Human Relations, 55:10: 1209-1226. Cf. Urbain, “A Statement of Values for our Research on Music in Peacebuilding,” 226.
While Day relates ethical learning to the experience of jazz performers, the musical experience of listeners can also develop skill in respectful interaction.43Day, "Knowing as Instancing: Jazz Improvisation and Moral Perfectionism," Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 58, Special Issue on Improvisation in the Arts, 110. See also Higgins, The Music of Our Lives, 175-182. Neuroscientific evidence suggests that listeners are actively involved in tracking music, with their brain activation patterns being quite similar to those of performers.44Zatorre and Halpern show evidence that performers and listeners have similar brain activation patterns, especially in those areas inked to motor activity. Zatorre and Halpern, “Mental Concerts: Musical Imagery and Auditory Cortex,” Neuron 47: 9–12. Tracking in the case of jazz ensembles involves sequentially attending to each individual performer and to the group as a whole, an activity that provides practice in respectfully heeding various particular individuals in turn.
In addition to developing ethical abilities, music can also encourage attitudes that are ethically beneficial. The attitude of respect, I have just suggested, might be cultivated through the practice in deploying and rerouting attention that listening to music (or to other musicians) involves. Music might also encourage attitudes that support commitment to peaceful co-existence with others by modeling ideal ways interaction might go. Western choral music often models the interaction, with of those in different vocal ranges performing independent lines that nevertheless congenially relate to each other.
Certain musical structures can also resonate with the idea of conflict resolution, encouraging confidence in the idea that those with sharply differing features can maintain their character yet gradually adapt to accommodate each other. To take an example from the historical repertoire, sonata-allegro form is constructed on the basis of contrasting themes being presented and elaborated, with an ultimate section in which the musical tensions set up between (or among) them are resolved. This formal template resonates with the optimism of the era in which the form developed, an era in which intellectual life was dominated by a conviction that universal enlightenment through reason could overcome political strife.45Cf. Berman, The Musical Image: A Theory of Content, 266ff. Berman analyzes a variety of musical styles in terms of their reflection of an era’s dominant perspective on social life and the values that should govern it. Although our own era is not dominated by a similarly optimistic attitude, the structural experience of harmony developing out of elements that are initially in tension has the potential to encourage the belief that antagonism among parties can be resolved in a mutually satisfying manner.
A second strategy for using music to facilitate peaceful relationships is also educational, this one aimed at using music education to pre-empt the tendency to identify music with “us” or with “them.”46Cf. Urbain on “preventative peacebuilding” in “A Statement of Values for our Research on Music in Peacebuilding,” 228. One might do this by expanding young people’s musical horizons, exposing them to the sounds of musical instruments and styles from around the globe and across subcomponents of their own society.47For further discussion, see my “Musical Education for Peace,” in Educations and Their Purposes: A Conversation among Cultures, 389-404. Presumably this would develop comfort with a wide range of music and make students less likely to experience other people’s music as alien. If they develop an appreciation of what various kinds of music have to offer, they may come to appreciate its originators (both specific performers and, in some cases, populations) as well as to be less rigid in their views about music. Indeed, they may come to consider a wide range of musical resources available to them as they pursue their own musical lives.
Efforts should be made, however, to make young people aware of cases in which one group’s appropriation of the music of another amounts to exploitation. For example, young people should be informed of cases such as what Amiri Baraka called “the Great Music Robbery,” the American phenomenon in which white artists rose to fame by appropriating the music of African Americans who were not sufficiently compensated. This could help students to develop a sense of ethical responsibility in connection with music-making and an appreciation of the way that divisions within society have resulted in injustices even in the arts.48 Amiri Baraka, “The Great Music Robbery,” in The Music: Reflections on Jazz and Blues, by Baraka and Baraka, 328-333. For further discussion see Rudinow, 131ff.
Musical education might also include some reflection on music’s powerful effects, with the consequence that students would become less vulnerable to being passively manipulated. In any case, making students more aware of music and its varieties is likely to move music out of the background of their attention and help them to become less susceptible to its use in subliminal appeals. Optimally, those musically educated will continue over their lifespans to engage in “musicking” (Christopher Small’s term for participation in music, which includes both performing and listening).49Small, Cf. Christopher Small, Musicking: The Meanings of Performing and Listening, 9.
A third strategy for using music to promote social harmony is to create opportunities for what Thomas Turino labels “participatory performance,” which he claims is widely utilized in virtually every part of the globe. This type of music encourages group participation, and it is made with the goal of including as many as possible, regardless of musical training or lack thereof. Participatory performance at its best provides enough challenges to engage those who are musically proficient but also simple parts to involve novices. The sound produced takes the form of a “wall of sound” with “densely overlapping textures,” “wide tunings,”“loud volume,” and “buzzy timbres,” features that camouflage individual fumbling and help novices overcome any reticence.
Participatory music creates a sense of mutuality that is palpable. The wall of sound effect makes it hard to ignore the fact that one is joining others in a common enterprise. The participant recognizes that the powerful music produced has been a result of cooperation. Even those not particularly skilled can partake in the feeling of collective ownership of the music.50Turino, Music as Social Life: The Politics of Participation, 28-51, especially 46. The implicit invitation to join in with an open-ended group and the experience of cooperating with a mass of humanity encourages participants to feel a connection that is not bound up with concern for the sharp lines that divide social groups. Participatory music performatively dramatizes the perspective that anyone can be a part of “us.”
Participatory music in Turino’s sense differs from music in which all can participate because it is completely unchallenging. Note that he emphasizes the importance of having challenges available so that skilled participants remain engaged. A contrast case, where music is reduced to the lowest common denominator, is the song "We Are the World." The music is so predictable that the interpreter's imagination has little room for maneuver. If the song is at all effective in moving anyone, it is because the message toward which it gestures is probably already generally accepted: that people should get along. At most it provides a stimulus for emotional fantasy about human fellowship. "We Are the World" is akin to blatant allegories. As Schopenhauer remarks, "It is true that an allegorical picture can in just this quality produce a vivid impression on the mind and feelings; but under the same circumstances even an inscription would have the same effect."51Schopenhauer, The World as Will and Representation, I, 238. Participatory music needs to provide means for novices to be involved, but it should not be so banal that it becomes tedious even to them.
Thus far we have considered the strategies of developing ethical skills and attitudes through music, designing musical education so that students are exposed to the range of musical sounds and techniques, and creating opportunities for engagement in participatory music. A fourth strategy for using music to break down barriers and encourage peaceful co-existence is the development and promotion of musical hybrids. Musical hybrids are instances of music that are influenced by multiple styles, typically by styles with different origins. Hybrids are useful especially for the purpose of developing rapport in cases in which a type of music is bound up with particular groups’ sense of their own identity. In our era of mass migration and global transmission of music, motives and resources for forming hybrids abound. Hybrids provide a means of building teams from members of groups who may define themselves in opposition to each other.
A listener who responds to a type of music by associating it with a sense of home feels a sense of investment in the music as a consequence. This sense of personal investment can be extended to a musical hybrid that utilizes stylistic features of this deeply familiar music but has similar personal resonance for members of other social groups as well. Musical hybridizations can create opportunities for people to express their sense of social identity while relating at the same time to a larger world and developing real relationships among people from differing backgrounds. Music combining elements in which various parties feel their own sense of identity reflected can help break down a sharp sense of distinction between groups and encourage the expectation that interaction might be worthwhile and even enjoyable.
This is not to say that hybrids inevitably enhance social harmony. Members of one of the groups whose music serves as source material may consider certain ways of forming hybrids insufficiently connected to their roots. This sometimes arises in cases of non-Western appropriation of Western popular styles such as rock and hip-hop. Issues of authenticity often arise, in that non-Westerners who adopt these Western forms are sometimes criticized within their own societies for valorizing styles from formerly colonizing powers. However, in many societies in which such hybrids are developing (Tanzania, for example), the musical style evolves as musicians customize originally foreign styles of music to make them more their own. They do this by giving these forms “local” characteristics (through instrumentation, tuning, selection of language, and choice of content presented in lyrics). By widely disseminating their music (through the internet especially), such musicians assert their national identities while at the same time addressing the musical world at large. In these cases, hybrids enable musicians simultaneously to assert their local identity and to use gestures that seem to seek relationships beyond their own locality.
One situation in which musical hybrids often develop is a large-scale migrations of a population. Musical styles that immigrants bring with them can hybridize with styles extant in their new location. For those who have moved, retaining the music of the homeland provides comfort, but many motivations can prompt the adoption of at least some features of styles of their new homeland. Among these motivations might be the desire to assert the intention of affiliating with the new community; the desire to be integrated as members; interest in performing music with musicians in the new context whose musical backgrounds differ from their own; interest in musical materials that are newly encountered; and a desire for self-expression as having ties to both the old and the new communities. Hybrid music may, in fact, be an especially authentic vehicle for personal investment and expression among those who have made new homes far from their points of origin.
Hybridization can facilitate personal investment and participation in music, and it can connect people across cultural groups, but we should not exaggerate the consequences for cross-cultural empathy. One category of hybrids is much of what the Western music industry terms “world music.” While that term applies to a range of music with non-Western sources, it also applies to various Western/non-Western fusions, as well as those non-Western appropriations of Western forms just described. Not everything marketed as world music involves musical hybrids, but we should recognize that even when world music is a product of hybridization, it does not necessarily express anyone’s sense of felt identity. Moreover, it can reflect power dynamics that exacerbate tensions between groups.
Large-scale Western commercial interests have more extensive distribution networks and greater profit margins than do their non-Western counterparts. Some ethnomusicologists have criticized the incorporation of non-Western materials in the recordings of high placed Western musicians as typically being economically inequitable, with the musicians who make the non-Western contribution to the mix receiving little by way of compensation.52Stokes, “Music and the Global Order” Annual Review of Anthropology, 33; See Steven Feld’s critique of the disproportionate benefits that accrue to Western musicians who make use of non-Western source materials as opposed to those, if any, that reach the non-Western musicians who made the original music that they source in “A Sweet Lullaby for World Music,” Public Culture, 145-171. A case in point, discussed by Steven Feld, is a lullaby track on the album Deep Forest, which sold millions of copies around the world. The track features a digital sample of an anthropologist’s recording of music from the Solomon Islands, with the addition of singing (some of it digitally multiplied) and a beat produced by a drum machine. Feld points out that the music sampled was used without the permission of either the musicians (or the anthropologist), raising questions about respect for the musical tradition and its members. Ironically, the album Deep Forest was marketed as a celebration of peoples of the world being united through music. Feld’s analysis indicates that hybridized music, even when cross-culturally enjoyed, does not necessarily create solidarity. Depending on the circumstances of its production and use, it may actually promote misunderstanding and resentment.
Another category of world music is that of non-Western musicians whose recordings are produced by Western business interests. As Jocelyne Guilbault points out, these musicians may profit significantly from their work, but sometimes at the price of modifying their product to satisfy Western stylistic preferences. In order to compete for international attention, they are encouraged to develop a distinctive “sound” that can be marketed as culturally theirs.53See Stokes, “Music and the Global Order,” 53. At the same time, they are pressured to use what Guilbault describes as “the international sound, that is, the use of preponderant Euro-American scales and tunings, harmony, electronic instruments now seen as standard, accessible dance rhythms, and a Euro-American based intonation.”54Guilbault, Zouk: World Music in the West Indies, 37. Cf. Hesmondhalgh, “International Times: Fusions, Exoticism, and Antiracism in Electronic Dance Music,” in Born and Hesmondhalgh, eds., Western Music and Its Others: Difference, Representation, and Appropriation in Music, 300. Hesmondhalgh notes that hybrids that are outside the forms “acceptable to cultural intermediaries . . . struggle to be heard.”
Musical hybridization does nothave to involve exclusively commercial motives or superficial connections between members of different cultural groups, however. As the Deep Forest example indicates, the development of musical hybrids does not necessarily imply much interest by either producers or consumers in the music’s cultural sources. Yet as Hesmondhalgh observes, “the issue about aesthetic experience and commonality is about potential. . . .” (139). Hybridization can manifest or produce feelings of cross-cultural solidarity and contribute to recognition that members of various cultural constituencies bring distinctive contributions to the interaction. It can also enable people to assert their felt cultural identity while communicating beyond the boundaries that demarcate their community of origin.
The very existence of musical hybrids reveals the power of music to absorb tendencies that might initially seem incompatible. It shows that music from quite distinct points of origin can be combined in ways that help people to navigate socially in all kinds of circumstances in which they find themselves brought together. It also demonstrates that one’s sense of musical identity need not be abandoned to interact musically with those from different musical origins. The challenge is to find contexts in which musical hybrids can develop synergistically, not in subordination to the dictates of the more powerful.
This fourth strategy for promoting peaceful relationships and bonds between members of different groups need not rely on hybrids that already exist. This strategy can be pursued through producing new hybrids. An example of the kind of hybridizing project that is geared to developing more humane interactions among people from different societies is the Kronos Quartet’s educational initiative called “Fifty for the Future.” The quartet, based in San Francisco, is commissioning fifty composers from diverse backgrounds to compose short works that showcase the range of contemporary approaches to performing on stringed instruments. Their website provides free access to the scores, instructional videos as to how to perform the works, interviews with the composers, and recordings of the works being played. The Kronos Quartet seeks to enable young musicians, especially, to become aware of the range of music for strings and to be in a position to develop their own technique and repertoire on the basis of the instruction they can freely obtain through the internet. This project puts musicians from around the globe in musical communication with each other. It also draws attention to the way that music enables us to communicate with future generations, offering models for exemplary harmonious interaction that might provide guidance across the range of contexts in which people interact.
Conclusion
Good human relationships and sustainable peace depend on the various parties involved being able express themselves and be heard by each other. Musical life inherently involves evocative expression and appreciation of what others express, and musical interactions can and often do model ideal condition of human interactions. The various mechanisms discussed in the first section collaborate to make the emotional impact of music, among modes of communication, particularly intense, particularly with respect to the participants’ feelings of connection with other people. They can work either to reinforce good will or to inflame sectarian divisions. Attending to how music functions within particular contexts can help us determine how best to use it to help -- or to hinder -- efforts to build a more peaceful world. Let us hope that we collectively choose harmony.
Notes
1 Currie, ed., “Jazz,” The Ladies’ Home Journal, 24.
2 Crane Brinton, A History of Western Morals, 16.
3 Charles Hamm, Yesterdays—Popular Song in America, 399.
4 Allan Bloom, The Closing of the American Mind, 73.
5 Joel Rudinow, Soul Music: Tracking the Spiritual Roots of Pop from Plato to Motown, 3.
6 Robert Walzer, Running with the Devil: Power, Gender, and Madness in Heavy Metal Music, 139, citing Joe Stuessy, notes for testimony to U.S. Senate Commerce Committee, 19 September 1985, 6.
7 See Johnson and Cloonan, Dark Side of the Tune: Popular Music and Violence, 111-112.
8 See Hsün Tzu, "A Discussion of Music," in Basic Writings, trans. Burton Watson, 113; and Yue Ji, in “’Yue Ji’ – Record of Music: Introduction, Translation, Notes and Commentary,” Asian Music 26:2, 4.6, 57.
9 Ellis, Aboriginal Music, Education for Living: Cross-cultural Experiences from South Australia, 17.
10 See Chernoff, African Rhythm and African Sensibility: Aesthetics and Social Action in African Musical Idioms, 139-140 and 149-151. See also Amegago, An Holistic Approach to African Performing Arts: Music and Dance Curriculum Development and Implementation, Ph.D. dissertation, Simon Fraser University, 2000, 308-309; and Mans, “Informal Learning and Values,” Action, Criticism, and Theory for Music Education 8:2, 87-89.
11 See “Drumming Up a Happier Workplace,” BBC News, 20 February 2004. See also Fuller, “The Workplace: Diplomats Drum that Stress Away,” The New York Times, June 22, 2005. For an example of a company catering to this new trend in business, see the website of Dolle Communications, https://dollecommunicationsblog.wordpress.com/2015/05/06/drum-circles-aid-workplace-productivity-employee-engagement-and-inclusion/.
12 Blacking, A Commonsense View of All Music,149, citing Balough, A Musical Genius from Australia; Selected Writings by and about Percy Grainger, 49.
13 See Bregman, “Auditory Scene Analysis: Hearing in Complex Environments,” in Thinking in Sound: The Cognitive Psychology of Human Audition, 10-36.
14 See “Channel Protein Converts Vibration to Electrical Signal,” Howard Hughes Medical Institute, October 13, 2004. See also Corey et al., “TRPA1 Is a Candidate for the Mechano-Senstive Transduction Channel of Vertebrate Hair Cells,” Nature 432: 723-30.
15 Stern, The Interpersonal World of the Infant, 56.
16 Stern, The Interpersonal World of the Infant, 54.
17 Hanslick, On the Musically Beautiful, 10.
18 Stern, The Interpersonal World of the Infant, 157.
19 Ibid., 55-56.
20 See Dissanayake, Art and Intimacy: How the Arts Began, 26-42; Trevarthen, “Communication and Cooperation in Early Infancy: A Description of Primary Intersubjecivity,” in Before Speech: The Beginning of Human Communication, 321-347; and Trevarthen, “Emotions in Infacy: Regulators of Contact and Relationship with persons,” in Approaches to Emotion, 129-157.
21 Schutz, "Making Music Together: A Study in Social Relationship." Social Research 18:2, 14, 18.
22 Nussbaum, The Musical Representation: Meaning, Ontology, and Emotion, 21.
23 Cf. Eliot, “The Dry Salvages,” The Four Quartets.
24 Freeman, “A Neurobiological Role of Music in Social Bonding,” in The Origins of Music, 411-424.
25 Ibid., 188. See Machin and Dunbar, “The Brain Opioid Theory of Social Attachment: A Review of the Evidence,” Behaviour 33: 533-537.
26 See Peters, “Musical Empathy, Emotional Co-Constitution, and ‘the Musical Other,’” Empirical Musicology Review 10:1-2. Peters contends that music motivates a sense of empathy with “otherness” in general and only sometimes results in empathy toward actual specific others.
27 See Higgins, The Music between Us: Is Music a Universal Language?, 2.
28 Cf. Feld, “Communication, Music, and Speech about Music,” Yearbook for Traditional Music 16: 1–18. Feld discusses the “interpretive moves” members of a society make, linking features of music to locations, categories, reflections, associations, and evaluations.
29 See Bordieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste, 18.
30 Cf. Freeland, But Is It Art?, 93-96.
31 Zajonc, “Exposure Effects: An Unmediated Phenomenon,” in Feelings and Emotions: The Amsterdam Symposium, 194-203. A study by William Raft Wilson showed this effect in reference to sequences of musical tones. Wilson, “Feeling More than We Can Know: Exposure Effects without Learning,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 37: 811-821.
32 Alan Lomax, “Folk Song Style,” American Anthropologist 61: 929.
33 See Mark Jefferson, “What Is Wrong with Sentimentality?” Mind 92: 519-529.
34 Monique Roelofs, The Cultural Promise of the Aesthetic,129-138, especially 135-136.
35 Stokes, “Introduction: Ethnicity, Identity and Music,” in Ethnicity, Identity and Music: The Musical Construction of Place, 6. References to Barth. Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organisation of Culture Difference; and Chapman, Tonkin, and McDonald, “Introduction,” History and Ethnicity.
36 See Love: "From Settler Colonialism to Standing Rock: Hearing Native Voices for Peace" [this issue]. Love discusses “Prussian Blue,” a musical group whose defining purpose is to encourage white supremacist ideology.
37 Hesmondhalgh, Why Music Matters, 157. See Baily, “The Role of Music in the Creation of an Afghan National Identity, 1923-73,” in Music, Ethnicity and Identity: The Musical Construction of Place, 45-60.
38 That music expedites action in literal battle is indicated by a soldier interviewed in Fahrenheit 9/11, directed by Michael Moore, 2004. He describes going into battle with “a good song behind you” as a way of getting prepared to kill.
39 Olivier Urbain draws attention to Johan Galtung’s conviction that empathy is essential to peaceful negotiation of conflict. See his “A Statement of Values for our Research on Music in Peacebuilding: A Synthesis of Galtung and Ikeda’s Peace Theories,” Journal of Peace Education 13:3, 223.
40 See also Higgins, The Music of Our Lives, 129-135.
41 Cf. Olivier Urbain on “communicative creativity,” which he describes as “a set of skills and capabilities that allow people to connect deeply to bring out the best in oneself and others . . . with the aim of deepening relationships and being able to find collective solutions to problems.” Urbain, “A Statement of Values for our Research on Music in Peacebuilding,” 226-227.
42 Simpson, French and Charles Harvey, “Leadership and Negative Capability,” Human Relations, 55:10: 1209-1226. Cf. Urbain, “A Statement of Values for our Research on Music in Peacebuilding,” 226.
43 Day, "Knowing as Instancing: Jazz Improvisation and Moral Perfectionism," Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 58, Special Issue on Improvisation in the Arts, 110. See also Higgins, The Music of Our Lives, 175-182.
44 Zatorre and Halpern show evidence that performers and listeners have similar brain activation patterns, especially in those areas inked to motor activity. Zatorre and Halpern, “Mental Concerts: Musical Imagery and Auditory Cortex,” Neuron 47: 9–12.
45 Cf. Berman, The Musical Image: A Theory of Content, 266ff. Berman analyzes a variety of musical styles in terms of their reflection of an era’s dominant perspective on social life and the values that should govern it.
46 Cf. Urbain on “preventative peacebuilding” in “A Statement of Values for our Research on Music in Peacebuilding,” 228.
47 For further discussion, see my “Musical Education for Peace,” in Educations and Their Purposes: A Conversation among Cultures, 389-404.
48 Amiri Baraka, “The Great Music Robbery,” in The Music: Reflections on Jazz and Blues, by Baraka and Baraka, 328-333. For further discussion see Rudinow, 131ff.
49 Small, Cf. Christopher Small, Musicking: The Meanings of Performing and Listening, 9.
50 Turino, Music as Social Life: The Politics of Participation, 28-51, especially 46.
51 Schopenhauer, The World as Will and Representation, I, 238.
52 Stokes, “Music and the Global Order” Annual Review of Anthropology, 33; See Steven Feld’s critique of the disproportionate benefits that accrue to Western musicians who make use of non-Western source materials as opposed to those, if any, that reach the non-Western musicians who made the original music that they source in “A Sweet Lullaby for World Music,” Public Culture, 145-171.
53 See Stokes, “Music and the Global Order,” 53.
54 Guilbault, Zouk: World Music in the West Indies, 37. Cf. Hesmondhalgh, “International Times: Fusions, Exoticism, and Antiracism in Electronic Dance Music,” in Born and Hesmondhalgh, eds., Western Music and Its Others: Difference, Representation, and Appropriation in Music, 300. Hesmondhalgh notes that hybrids that are outside the forms “acceptable to cultural intermediaries . . . struggle to be heard.”
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