The diversity of our population is one of our greatest strengths as a country. Yet, we still encounter problems when the interests of the majority or dominant group conflict with those of minority groups. Though this "hegemony" of one group over another has marked our interethnic history, we are now achieving new levels of population diversity that may require unprecedented strategies of cooperation. According to the 2000 Census, the Latino or Hispanic population grew by 60% and the Asian American population by 48% over the previous decade, and seven million Americans, about 2% of the population, now claim to be multiracial. The nation's Latino or Hispanic population currently stands at 37 million, l3% of the population. Latinos constitute the largest minority group in the school-age population, and, in mid 2002, surpassed African Americans to become the largest overall minority. Our nation's mosaic is definitely shifting and this challenges notions of how we view ourselves and educate our youth in this new century.
With these demographics in mind, this paper outlines essential issues in multicultural music education, reviews the results of our field research on the music culture of migrant farmworkers in Northwest Ohio, and makes recommendations for undergraduate programs and teacher preparation in music education areas. Due to demographic changes and subsequent calls for reform, multicultural music education is gradually drawing more attention. The National Standards in Music Education (1996) include two content standards (nos. 8 and 9) that address multicultural music education,1 and the authors of Vision 2020: The Housewright Symposium on the Future of Music Education (2000) speak not only about the preservation and dissemination of the Western art tradition, but also of the "need to be aware of other [i.e. multicultural] music that people experience and be able to integrate it into classroom music instruction."2
One method we advocate to achieve this objective is to develop new approaches in teacher training that incorporate greater field research opportunities and are experiential in orientation. The education acquired through intimate experiences with a multicultural music and its contextualization in the field is far more comprehensive than simply reading a book or taking a course. This approach also sensitizes future teachers to values inherent in the music, and better prepares them to lead and share with their multicultural students. We hope that this study, which combines concepts of teaching and training in music education with ethnographic methods of ethnomusicology, will encourage other programs to similarly engage local music cultures within their communities. Such field research dispels the "ivory tower" image and thrusts educators (teachers and students) right into the heart of music-making activity.
This article introduces music preferences of migrant families and focuses directly on traditional children's repertoires: singing games, chants, and dances. Singing games, found in most cultures around the world, are clearly evident within the microcosm of the migrant farmworker community. When participating, children have opportunities to not only sing, but also to develop socialization skills, learn about rules, and make choices. Children's musical play constructs shared meanings in community and nurtures cultural knowledge and imagination; the most important feature "is the opportunity to reach back and listen to the voices of past generations who played the very same games."3 Addo believes that children interpret the world around them through their musical play experiences.4 Singing games are part of a child's musical oral tradition and have served an important enculturating function in farmworker families; thus, exploring such games is an excellent starting point for experiential teacher training. Though singing games and some other children's music have been gradually changing or even disappearing as a result of the slow assimilation of farmworker youth and families, most families (particularly mothers) strive to preserve these repertoires as repositories of cultural identity.
One co-author (O'Hagin) was inspired to undertake this project because of her need for cultural connectedness in a community lacking a significant Latino presence. She grew up Latina in Arizona at a time when speaking Spanish at school was forbidden. (This offense was punishable; one was sent to the principal's office to have his/her mouth washed out with soap. English-only initiatives may represent a similar though less-threatening challenge for today's children.) She approached this study sensitive to migrant farmworkers' experiences and perceptions in relation to public schools today; the other co-author (Harnish) approached farmworker music culture based upon years of fieldwork experience in Asia within both majority and minority cultures.
Teaching Environments and Multiculturalism
At the time of this study, we (music educator and ethnomusicologist) worked at a mid-sized university in the Midwest in which the student population was ninety percent rural and white. The university president issued a call to increase minority enrollments and multicultural programs in 1997, and these efforts were slowly and subtly transforming the university. Though the student body and faculty in the unit in which we worked were ethnically similar to the rest of the campus, our departments featured distinctive programs in multicultural music education and ethnomusicology. The program in multicultural music education was aimed not at representing the student body, but rather at educating and sensitizing our students who would be future teachers.
The Development and Contestation of Multicultural Education
As Grant (1997) and Noll (1997) assert,5 it was the criticism that equal access to education did not mean equivalent education for every student that led to the development of multicultural education just over twenty years ago. Multicultural education offered a solution to some inequities, such as representation and access to educational resources, and promoted multiple viewpoints of course content. Though there has been some confusion over the goals and results of multiculturalism, it has impacted most areas of education and grown in importance along with the field of ethnomusicology.
Some opposition has arisen to multicultural music education. Sleeter, for example, discovered that music educators, including those with multicultural training, do not often see the importance of multicultural viewpoints.6 Some research indicates that many teachers, even after training, still cannot define multicultural education, are unprepared or unwilling to use effective multicultural education practices, and may still resist or feel no responsibility in implementing multicultural practices.7
Simply exposing students to world music subject matter in classes does not necessarily improve these situations because that alone does not increase student multicultural understanding and tolerance.8 As a solution, we, along with Daniel (1984), submit that teachers produce much better results if they and/or their students go into the field to directly experience multicultural music in context. Studies show that teachers whose multicultural training is experiential in nature are more willing and better prepared to teach from a multicultural perspective.9 In contrast to standard music education courses, special curricular offerings in the classroom can result in an increased comfort and social engagement with diverse student populations, and attitudinal measures.10
A Multicultural Education Theoretical Framework
Educators throughout the nation are concerned about issues of cultural diversity. In a recent speech, former Education Secretary Richard Riley said that one-fourth of the U.S. population will soon be Spanish-speaking, with the greatest growth being in children.11 This projection alone highlights the need for educational approaches that honor the uniqueness of children in our schools, and emphasizes the urgency for change in our school music programs. Our programs should become more inclusive to better reflect our country's diversity; multiculturalism offers "a more accurate understanding of who we are as Americans."12
Some educators consider Banks' definition of multicultural education to be comprehensive and multidimensional. Banks advocates a multifaceted definition rather than proposing an oversimplified concept (a common mistake among educators). These theoretical dimensions include Content Integration, Prejudice Reduction, Equity Pedagogy, Empowering School and Social Structure, and Knowledge Construction Process.13
Content Integration is achieved by weaving a variety of cultures and groups into the educational content being taught; new content is most commonly added to the existing curriculum. Prejudice Reduction explores students' attitudes about race, ethnicity, social class, gender, and religion, and attempts to encourage positive outlooks and attitudes about "other" groups. Equity Pedagogy refers to strategies and approaches to teaching that will accommodate all students, heedless of their cultural background. Empowering School and Social Structure fosters educational equity and a feeling of empowerment among students through practices such as eliminating tracking, developing self-esteem, and encouraging self-expression. Knowledge Construction Process focuses on the development of various types of knowledge (e.g. personal/cultural, popular, mainstream academic, transformative, and school knowledge) that then become multicultural practices in the learning environment. This component focuses on critical thinking and involves imagining who or what constructed the "knowledge" in a particular content area and why it is worthy. In the Knowledge Construction process, educators help students in understanding the goals and how these are influenced by factors of race, ethnicity, gender, and social class.
These theories for general education/multicultural education move across disciplines into arts education/music education. Offering a different view, however, is aesthetic music education with its advocacy of teaching music conceptually through musical elements. Here, the aesthetic notion is that music is an object, and the purpose of teaching musical elements is to encourage aesthetic responsiveness. The premises of aesthetic music education focus solely on the music product and ignore the creative process and the interconnectedness of environment and organism. Similar to aesthetic education are two other outdated approaches: one that promotes music as a universal language, and the other that advocates teaching only the traditional canon of "high art" music while discounting all others.14 These are inappropriate in today's world.
Data indicate that teachers ignore the Knowledge Construction Process and instead support modified multiculturalism. Corso found that many music teachers felt positively toward multicultural education but realized neither curricula nor strategies to their fullest extent in concept and practice.15 The modified multicultural music curriculum that results from such limited exposition acknowledges music from around the world; however, the teaching tends to be channeled through a mono-cultural frame, thereby restricting student interpretation and appreciation.16 Effective multicultural approaches are based on cultural understandings and practices from the music culture under study, and these require greater motivation from educators. The integration of cultural context is necessary for understanding musical forms and for recognizing the culture's conceptualization of music. This process positively affects teacher and student attitudes.
Contextual Theories and Collectivism
A major problem that educators and sometimes ethnomusicologists face in the classroom is the decontextualization of music. Context—the time, space, and construction of performance—is a prime determinant of music meaning that influences and shapes musical performance; for instance, a given composition will have different meanings in different contexts and may be performed differently as well.17 Music is, overall, a contextual process. Feld describes musical meanings as "interactive" between participants and context,18 Stokes proposes that music constructs ethnicity and establishes boundaries for culturally specific behaviors to be enacted,19 and others have suggested that music reinforces in sound organization concepts of social order, gender, religion, and identity.20 While these context specific meanings cannot easily be communicated in a classroom, it is important to recognize the synergy between music and its context—particularly for musics outside of the Western art world—and attempt to give students an understanding of music's cultural role beyond the purely aesthetic. These points clearly indicate that experiential training, where individuals directly absorb music in context, can be beneficial in music teacher education.
The primary social aspect of culture we saw operating in the migrant farmworker context was the notion of "family." "Family" is particularly important among farmworkers because it is the "one continuing dependable entity" in their transitory, unpredictable, and frequently uprooted living situation.21 Latino cultures, in general, are held to operate within a collectivist framework. According to Rothstein-Fisch, et al., collectivism is a cluster of interrelated values that emphasize the interdependence of family members.22 Helpfulness and unity are paramount; it is group success that matters, beginning with the family.
Family music-making and music-sharing happen within this context, and children/youth, though they often enjoy listening to American music on their own, nurture and maintain both a sense of respect for their "elders" and a sense of togetherness within the family.23 From our observations of migrant families, music is usually a social and shared experience, and everyone participates in their own way; music thus works to hold families and communities together. Within minority cultures, music often plays a primary role in organizing group members and articulating their identity.24 Farmworker music and musical activity seem to create this type of collectivism, where behavior and sentiment are organized to support family and community structures, and to express and promote ethnicity.
There appear to be reciprocal bonds of obligations that connect parent and child and foster a modernized collectivism. We found, for example, that the parents we spoke with cared immensely about their children's educational opportunities, and hoped that their children would not have to become migrant workers like themselves.25 One father commented: "We very much want our children to succeed in their studies. We'll have to see through which grade level we will be able to help them with their studies. They seem to like school and we will help them as much as we can." Yet even more important were parents' expressed desires for their children to grow up respectful of self and others, and to preserve their culture and community as they move into mainstream American life.
Our Findings in the Field
We (music educator, ethnomusicologist, and two student assistants) met extensively with four migrant farmworker families in northwest Ohio during the summer and fall of 1999, and interviewed a number of individuals involved with farmworkers, such as officials of the Farm Labor Organizing Committee (FLOC), one of the most influential farm labor organizations in the country. These families all call south Texas home, though most of the parents were born in Mexico and one family has been living in Florida for twenty years. The children are bilingual and generally speak to each other in English; most parents know a little English but speak to their children and to each other in Spanish. Living conditions are not easy in a migrant farm camp; whole families often live together in a single room of small wooden homes, and just about everyone 14 and older works from early morning to 8-9 p.m. Most of these particular families had migrated to the same camp for many years (seven or more); one had moved into non-picking jobs by 1999 and thus rarely had such long work days.
The four families were selected jointly by FLOC and ourselves. They represented a diversity of positions within migrant employment: one family had come to northwest Ohio for twenty years and had seen a series of changes over time; another had roots in both Texas and Florida; another had children actively performing music; and the last was actively trying to assimilate into American society. The families had from 2-4 children. The older children generally attended school while in Ohio; the younger children were enrolled and several participated in Head Start programs. While parents and older children (aged 14 and up) were working in the fields, younger children were often in school until 3 p.m., then they might participate in after-school programs. What to do with children on Saturdays remained a problem. A few families used a caretaker (usually an extended family member) at the camps for part of the season. Overall, each family was in a singular situation, and each had unique stories and experiences to relate.
Since work is what brings migrants to the camps and the work is so hard, long and a metaphor for their Ohio experience, we expected to find a body of work songs to accompany labor in the fields. One father confirmed that such work songs did exist, and he could remember a verse or two of one song, but these songs began to disappear about 30 years ago when portable transistor radios were available. Today transistor radios are obsolete and have been replaced by large "boom boxes" (portable radio/cassette/compact disc players); even these are sometimes not enough as workers often open their car doors and blast music out from car stereo systems at the highest possible volume. One son in a family proudly showed us his collection of some 500 compact discs from which he selects for picking or partying. Cars with open doors and/or boom boxes are common sights in the fields.
Though we were surprised not to find work songs, three things became apparent: 1) that music, though mediated, was considered essential in picking, 2) that the functions of work songs—pacing work, making time go faster, displacing physical pain—were continued in this mediated music, and 3) that workers sang along with and internalized the songs, thus co-creating music and making it their own.
When at home, families enjoy listening to popular forms of Mexican and Tejano (Tex-Mex) music. Most children also listen to black or rock music on recordings, radio or MTV, though they tend not to listen to such music when their parents are near. They still listen to and enjoy Mexican music but normally prefer other music during their own private time; thus a generational aesthetic difference, and one that perhaps does not support collectivism, may be emerging. Children, however, are quick to point out that they love Latino musics and that they enthusiastically participate in any available music-making contexts. This biculturalism and bimusicality, where individuals possess abilities or knowledge in both Latino and American musics, has been noted among migrant children in other states.26
When families are together, the music is either Mexican (usually a norteño style, from northern Mexico where these families or their ancestors originate) or Tejano. In the fields the style of choice is cumbias, upbeat Tejano music with distinctive dance rhythms and light lyrics;27 as an older son related, cumbias or other uptempo styles were important to pace and maximize work and to help forget the pain in his hands. Migrant workers from Texas spread throughout the country seem to know a very similar large body of music combining folk songs, songs associated with particular events (see below), and popular songs. Though young people may listen to rap or country on their own, they still absorb and can later recall and pass along these other musics. Music has a vital and important role in migrant life: picking in the fields is almost unthinkable without music; celebrating without music is similarly unimaginable.
Some youth in the camps are becoming musicians. One son in a family has taken up the accordion and usually plays along with recorded music; another plays trumpet and guitar and hopes to perform the Mexican songs of his father, once a semi-professional guitarist; and one daughter is a singer and has won awards singing Latino songs, though she also sings along with pre-recorded music in a karaoke-like format. Girls, though rarely instrumentalists, often sing along with popular artists, for instance with the late and much idolized Selena or with more contemporary artists such as Christina Aguilera. Due to the enculturation process (see below), when these girls are mothers they will be repositories of traditional repertoires.
Cook-outs and parties are times when people get together and listen to music. While Tejano styles (i.e. cumbias or conjunto ensemble of 12-string bajo sexto guitar and accordion) are normally preferred, some days (i.e. birthdays and Mother's Day) are events that have specific music. One important song is "Las Mañanitas," a song of serenading sung for Mother's Day, at birthdays and at quinceañeras—the celebrations of a girl's fifteenth birthday. First communions and baptisms are also festive occasions with music, and some families say that they prefer to hold these events in Ohio because they require less work and are less formal, time-consuming, and expensive than in Texas.
Children's music making
We found that children acquire a rich "listening bank" consisting of many musical genres provided by parents and siblings at the camps. Our conversations with the families revealed that they listen to a variety of musics—from traditional corridos (ballads), salsa, and cumbias to movida (popular dance music), jazz, and contemporary hip-hop or rap—and that these are heard continuously throughout a day. Children absorb much adult music as result of their close proximity to parents (particularly mothers) and other family members. As their parents work in the field, many younger children sit and wait in the family car playing with their dolls and toys, regardless of the summer heat. This is because few women can afford to stay at home to care for the children. Most camps do not provide daycare service, and schools' schedules do not accommodate parents' work schedules. Because housing quarters are small and cramped (almost ghetto-like in their isolation from city centers) and situated in agricultural fields, family members live in a more condensed living space than in their other homes in Texas. Music, it appears to us, enhances everyday life for the migrant worker, and makes it more bearable.
The traditional folkloric repertoire for children exists but is disappearing due to mediated music and the effects of assimilation. One caregiver explained that young children in her care watched television throughout the day, as she had few resources and no training to do otherwise. Another parent mentioned that in previous years, children would gather outside to play; but now, children tend to stay indoors to watch television, isolated from their friends. School-aged children from upper elementary onward find contemporary popular music to be more exciting than music from their parent's generation.
Another factor contributing to this apparent decline is that public school systems serving migrant farmworker children typically neglect Latino music and ethnicity. One teenaged girl who had migrated over many years with her family mentioned that her Ohio school did not acknowledge any aspect of Latino culture until very recently. At that time, when she was 16 years old, the high school finally recognized Cinco de Mayo. Although elusive for many years during which she felt like an outcast, the acknowledgement helped reaffirm her identity.
The disregard of Latino culture is due to the scarcity of teacher training in this area. We see a dialectic between the desire of cultural preservation and identity on one hand and the desire and necessity of some assimilation on the other. Several families, in hopes of furthering their children's opportunities, are actively assisting the process of assimilation. Younger parents, for example, have a tendency to speak English at home. In doing so they decrease or even sever the cultural connections gained through maintaining Spanish, and this may be unduly impacting the traditional song repertoire. As one mother said: "Everything is so modern nowadays. You don't hear the old songs as much."
Nevertheless, we discovered a body of songs still passed down from mother to child: "La cucaracha," "Las tortillas," "Dale, dale, la piñata," "La víbora del mar," and "Duérmete mi niño" to name a few. The mother to daughter connection remains particularly strong. In addition, the sociocultural contexts that hold migrant families together (i.e. celebrations, Sundays, life cycle rites) continue to preserve and instill the music, the listening patterns and the values that promote migrant Tejano ethnicity. Most of the traditional music is thus not presently endangered, though its future is by no means guaranteed. The current forces of change—assimilating youth, difficult work and education situations, and neglectful classrooms—pose a very real threat to the sociomusical identity of migrants. This situation, in our minds, calls for a new approach to music education and teacher training.
One widespread phenomenon that our research confirmed is that song variants are common among migrant families. Texts and melodies are similar to the "song anthology" or textbook models, but seem to be idiomatic. Music serves to bring joy and comfort to the children; a mother's soothing song in times of hurt or anxiety still does the trick. Regardless the degree of change, the use of music in so many of children's life domains will be maintained.
Interpretations of Our Findings
In our study, we discovered how music constructs ethnic identity and bonds generations together among migrant farmworkers; it did not seem to matter if the music was "mediated" or performed live. In either case, the families made the music their own by singing or playing along; the music was internalized and became part of who they were. Migrant children, who are often passive and experience alienation and self-blame due to their transitory lifestyles,28 become members of a vibrant, rich culture through music participation. Our feelings are that the greater the participation in music (even through simple listening or singing along), the healthier the community, family, and self-identities of children. It is for this reason that music is so highly regarded and crucial to migrant farmworker communities. This attitude towards music makes it a very suitable medium to effectively validate Latino culture in the classroom.
Farmworker parents believe that their children should know where they come from and that they should learn something about their culture. Some feel that they are losing their cultural identity due to the appeal of the more dominant culture on their youth. This concern is mirrored in many other cultural groups throughout the U.S. The question arises: When do children's singing games, as part of a larger folkloric tradition, cease to be "of the folk" and become "museum" pieces? And if they are to hang nicely in a gallery of song, who decides what will be remembered and how? It seems clear to us that educators can help children and families maintain singing games and other repertoires as living traditions.
The songs, games, and chants we gathered during this study will help us design a more comprehensive and culturally-based music curriculum for migrant farmworker children. Future research may explore the effects of a contextual multicultural music program on children's motivation, learning, and musical understanding. For the comprehensive development of such programs, we recommend collaborative partnerships between music education researchers, ethnomusicologists, and Latino musicians and peoples. Such partnerships can be rewarding for each individual involved and greatly beneficial to the entire learning community.
Suggestions for Music Teacher Education Programs
Possibilities and directions for further research are numerous. Investigations such as these help to bridge cultures, to better understand the role multiculturalism has in music teacher education, and to offer educators answers for specific classroom contexts. As a music educator I (O'Hagin) ask myself: What role will I play? When, how, and with whom shall I share the Latino children's singing games I know from my childhood and those acquired more recently? In what context should they be presented in the classroom? As a teacher educator, I feel a responsibility to help preservice teachers realize the importance of a multicultural music approach. This is crucially important whether teaching Latino or any other world music.
There is a need for stronger curricular materials in the area of multicultural music education both for migrant and mainstream students and for teacher training. Education could help preserve some of the music for migrant children, help mainstream students gain an appreciation, and help ease the process of assimilation. Teacher training is the key to realize such strategies. Equally important are opportunities for local musicians and culture bearers to help shape part of the school curriculum, to lend their voices.29
One of our primary recommendations is to improve multicultural practices through more in-depth efforts and meaningful field experiences in preservice teacher education and ethnomusicology training. These experiences should move away from merely "book learning" to focus on the contextualization of musical processes. It has been demonstrated that lack of knowledge and training leads to a superficial level of music instruction;30 that teachers who hold negative attitudes toward multicultural training need to change these attitudes before cognitive changes can be effected;31 that preservice teachers must receive exposure and become familiar with specific musical cultures before a change in attitude is seen;32 and that the type of exposure to music—direct experiences—positively influences attitudes among music education students.33
Sleeter discovered that music educators, as compared to other arts educators, tend to teach content—a body of knowledge—without seeing the relevance of a multicultural perspective.34 This problem should be addressed in teacher education. While it is expected that students in ethnomusicology programs have enhanced opportunities to engage in fieldwork, professional preparation for preservice teachers should also include opportunities to be actively engaged with one or more specific musical cultures. Daniel posits that teachers who do not have experiential training do not have opportunities to re-evaluate their own practices and musical understandings.35 Within the university community, we believe that students and teacher training programs should be culturally sensitive and consider the situatedness of music and the cultural values of the group under discussion. We advocate the development of a program reconceptualization to positively affect and prepare our students who will be the future teachers and musicians in our communities.
We believe that there is great worth in having university students involved in ethnographies of their particular communities, personally experiencing these more vibrant ways of being that reflect upon their own or their community's identity. In any experiential fieldwork situation, students become less ethnocentric as they directly see and begin to absorb the musical practices of a culture. Thus we advocate for the promotion of such learning situations for our students, opportunities for students to imagine how things might be. They may be encouraged by the words of Maxine Greene, who speaks to us about releasing imagination through many sorts of dialogue:
. . . dialogue among the young who come from different cultures and different modes of life, dialogue among people who have come together to solve problems that seem worth solving to all of them, dialogue among people undertaking shared tasks, protesting injustices, avoiding or overcoming dependencies or illnesses. . . . Apathy and indifference are likely to give way as images of what might be arise.36
The research assistants in our study—a world music undergraduate and an ethnomusicology graduate—transformed their thinking and actions from a somewhat isolationist perspective (i.e. "ivory tower") to momentarily becoming part of a vibrant community, and this prepared them for further fieldwork situations. This experience was a prime example of apprenticeship learning outside the school walls, yet in a local community and not in a distant land. Such relevancy and integrity in teacher preparation, and training and development opportunities for ethnomusicologists, remain a challenge in many university settings.
We advocate multicultural training and, if possible, field experience, for teachers to prepare themselves for teaching these and other migrant and multicultural children. We feel that teachers must consider the "whole" child and what s/he brings to the classroom. As asserted by Nel Noddings, "We should want more from our educational efforts than adequate academic achievement, and we will not achieve even that meager success unless our children believe that they themselves are cared for and learn to care for others."37
Final Thoughts
For a myriad of reasons and from differing perspectives, we explored the musical culture of migrant farmworkers in Northwest Ohio. One of our aims was to record the type of music sung, played, danced to, and listened to, and to share this information with educational institutions and the general public. We discovered patterns of music assimilation and preservation among farmworker families linking ethnomusicology and multicultural education theories, and met families extensively engaged in music participation and appropriation. Latino farmworkers, as well as other select minorities, have suffered a history of abuse, thus the work required a cultural sensitivity to develop trust between ourselves and the families.
The main problem we perceived was not the maintenance of music culture within the community (picking, the collectivist family structure, and the active sociocultural contexts will preserve much music), but rather the lack of education for the children during the long days of picking. Many children remain in hot, parked cars while their parents pick vegetables, and the existing school system is not set up to welcome or accommodate migrant children. Schools and teachers should certainly assist these families.
We encourage the dialogue between the two camps of "ethnomusicologist" and "music educator." We need to heed, listen, and learn from each other, rather than concern ourselves with territorial turf. From personal microcosm to the macrocosm, we two have succeeded in bridging our different perspectives and training to tackle this research study. In our interplay, we have learned quite a lot about our respective professions, something that would never have occurred had we not chosen to work together on this project. We have continued our collaborative relationship and developed new projects that attune our creative thought processes.
The project led us to agree with Banks and other scholars that a contextual program of education and direct field experience richly prepare students for careers in teaching. We therefore encourage students and teachers to go into the general community and to become experienced practitioners and advocates for multicultural music education. We believe that the resulting interaction process will move people from an attitude of "What does it Matter?" to discovering "The Heart of the Matter."
1The School Music Program: A New Vision (Reston, VA: Music Educators National Conference, 1994).
2Vision 2020: The Housewright Symposium on the Future of Music Education (Reston, VA: Music Educators National Conference, 2000), 219.
3J. Cole, "Songs and Games: The Preservers of Culture," The Orff Echo 1999 32(1): 10-13.
4A. O. Addo, "Ghanaian Children's Music Cultures: A Video Ethnography of Selected Singing Games" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of British Columbia, 1995).
5C. A. Grant, "Challenging the Myths about Multicultural Education," F. Schultz, ed., Education 97/98 (Guilford, CT: Dushkin/McGraw-Hill, 1997), 185-89; J. W. Noll, "Should Multiculturalism Permeate the Curriculum?" J. W. Noll, ed., Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Controversial Educational Issues (Guilford, CT: Dushkin/McGraw Hill, 9th ed., 1997), 86-87.
6C. E. Sleeter, "Doing Multicultural Education Across the Grade Levels and Subject Areas: A Case Study in Wisconsin," Teaching and Teacher Education 1989 5(3): 189-203.
7N. P. Gallavan, "Why Aren't Teachers Using Effective Multicultural Education Practices?" Equity & Excellence in Education 1998 31(2): 20-27.
8C. Victor Fung, "Undergraduate Nonmusic Majors' World Music Preference and Multicultural Attitudes," Journal of Research in Music Education 1994 42(1): 45-57.
9Rebecca Jane Daniel, "A Study of Multicultural Teacher Training Components in Teacher Education Programs and Teaching Practices" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Houston, 1984).
10J. M. Standley, "Increasing Prospective Music Educators' Tolerance for Student Diversity," Update: Applications of Research in Music Education 2001 19(1): 27-32.
11USA Today (March 16, 2000), 1.
12Joan Montgomery Halford, "A Different Mirror: A Conversation with Ronald Takiki," Educational Leadership 1999 56(7): 8-13.
13J. A. Banks, "Multicultural Education: Development, Dimension, and Challenges, J. W. Noll, ed., Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Controversial Education Issues (Guilford, CT: Dushkin/McGraw-Hill, 1997, 9th edition), 88-97.
14H. Best, "Lemonade or Merlot: Authentic Multiculturalism and High Art," Arts Education Policy Review 2002 104: 1.
15D. T. Corso, "An Examination of the Ideas and Practices Regarding Multicultural Education of Elementary General Music Teachers," C. Victor Fung, ed., Cultural Interpretations and Contemporary Music Education, the Bowling Green State University Symposium on Music Teaching and Research 1999 4: 42-68.
16David Elliott, "Key Concepts in Multicultural Music Education," International Journal of Music Education 1989 13: 1-18.
17Regula Qureshi, Sufi Music of India and Pakistan: Context and Meaning in Qawwali (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
18Stephen Feld, "Communication, Music, and Speech about Music," Charles Keil and Stephen Feld, eds., Music Grooves (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 77-95.
19Martin Stokes, "Introduction: Ethnicity, Identity, and Music," Martin Stokes, ed., Ethnicity, Identity and Music: The Musical Construction of Place (Oxford and Providence: Berg, 1994), 1-28.
20David Harnish, "'Like King and Queen, Like Balinese and Sasak:' Musical Narratives at the Lingsar Festival," Ethnologies 2001 23(1): 63-87.
21Darla Jean Funk, "A Descriptive Analysis of Music Attitudes, Music Aptitude, and Music Experiences of Students Ages Six to Eight in the Montana Migrant Children's Education Program" (Ph.D. dissertation, Kent State University, 1985), 17.
22C. Rothstein-Fisch, P. M. Greenfield and E. Trumbull, "Bridging Cultures with Classroom Strategies," Educational Leadership 1999 56(7): 64-67.
23B. O'Hagin and D. Harnish, "Reshaping Imagination: The Musical Culture of Migrant Farmworker Families in Northwest Ohio," Bulletin of the Council for Research in Music Education 2001 No. 151: 21-30.
24David Harnish, "The Performance, Context, and Meaning of Balinese Music in Lombok," Danker Schaareman, ed., Balinese Music in Context (Winterthur: Amadeus, 1992), 29-58; Martin Stokes, "Introduction: Ethnicity, Identity, and Music," Martin Stokes, ed., Ethnicity, Identity and Music: The Musical Construction of Place (Oxford and Providence: Berg, 1994), 1-28.
25Our current research indicates that permanent Latino communities in our region are largely comprised of the former children of migrant workers. The prevailing pattern seems to be that as children become adults, they move into other types of work, either in their home state (generally Texas) or in the farm camp region.
26See, for example, Funk, "A Descriptive Analysis of Music Attitudes, Music Aptitude, and Music Experiences of Students Ages Six to Eight in the Montana Migrant Children's Education Program" (1985).
27Cumbias originated in Colombia and spread north into Mexico. This catchy dance rhythm, modernized in the 1990s by popular artists like Selena, has made the form a favorite among Tejanos.
28Funk, "A Descriptive Analysis of Music Attitudes, Music Aptitude, and Music Experiences of Students Ages Six to Eight in the Montana Migrant Children's Education Program" (1985), 20.
29P. S. Campbell, "Music Education in a Time of Cultural Transformation," Music Educators Journal 2002 89(1): 27-32.
30See R. Klinger, "From Glockenspiel to Mbira: An Ethnography of Multicultural Practice in Music Education," Bulletin for the Council for Research in Music Education 1996 129: 29-36; See also J. J. Yudkin, "An Investigation and Analysis of World Music Education in California's Public Schools, K-6" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1990).
31R. J. M. McGeehan, "The Relationship of Selected Antecedents to Outcomes of Training in Multicultural Education for Pre-service Teachers" (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1983).
32R. W. Stephens, "The Effects of a Course of Study on Afro-American Popular Music in the Undergraduate Curriculum" (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1984).
33J. E. Mumford, "The Effect on the Attitudes of Music Education Majors of Direct Experiences with Afro-American Popular Music Ensembles—A Case Study" (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1984).
34C. E. Sleeter, "Doing Multicultural Education Across the Grade Levels and Subject Areas: A Case Study in Wisconsin" (1989).
35R. J. Daniel, "A Study of Multicultural Teacher Training Components in Teacher Education Programs and Teaching Practices" (1984).
36Maxine Green, Releasing the Imagination: Essays on Education, the Arts, and Social Change (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1995), 5.
37www.education.miami.edu/ep/contemporary/Nel_Noddings/nel_noddings.html